Can we calculate the true cost of our dependence on oil?
In the months during which the well under BP’s Deepwater Horizon freely spewed crude into the Gulf of Mexico, it released 4.9 million barrels of oil, or 205.8 million gallons, according to a government panel tasked with measuring the spill. Depending on what estimates you use for the earlier disaster, this amounts to roughly 20 times as much oil as the Exxon Valdez released. In negotiations with the Obama administration, BP agreed to put $20 billion into a fund for cleanup. It has also indicated that it will pay “all legitimate claims” related to the disast
Despite such vows, how much of the final cost BP will actually end up paying is unclear. Spill-related damages and lost economic activity could amount to tens of billions of dollars more than what BP is currently setting aside. An Oxford Economics study predicts that costs to the tourism industry alone could exceed $22 billion. Damage to the natural environment, much of it potentially unseen, is almost impossible to quantify.
In the case of the Valdez spill, according to the Associated Press, “the state priced each seagull at $167, eagles at $22,000, harbor seals at $700, and killer whales at $300,000.” Such an effort could be replicated for the Gulf. Yet a price tag of $167 per seagull seems tragically inadequate as a means of accounting for a destroyed population of birds, and it doesn’t begin to account for species that may seem less significant to us, but could be crucial to the ecosystem.
Now-deposed BP executive Tony Hayward repeatedly vowed to Gulf residents that the company would “make this right.” Likewise, in 1989, after the Valdez ran aground, Don Cornett, Exxon’s top official in Alaska, told locals dependent on the ruined fishing industry, “We will do whatever it takes to keep you whole. We do business straight.” Of course, that was before Exxon went on to pursue years of dogged litigation to limit its liability.
Once the public furor dies down, as already seems to be happening, BP will have financial incentive to do the same. Though the price of my stock took a hit, plummeting from around $60 per share in early April — before anyone had heard of the Deepwater Horizon — to a low of $27 per share in late June, it has already rallied to above $40 as of this writing. Some analysts are betting that BP, like Exxon, will contain the cost of its spill, and then continue about its business in much the same manner it did before. As analyst Antonia Juhasz argues with regard to the Valdez disaster, “Exxon emerged virtually unscathed from the incident and is, today, the most profitable corporation the world has ever known.”
What we do not pay at the pump
Aspects of this situation are reminiscent of the aftermath of another recent “spill.” They recall the way in which bailout banks like Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase relied on billions of dollars in public funding to stay afloat after causing a global economic near-collapse, then turned around the next year to report massive profits and once again award exorbitant bonuses to their well-heeled employees. In each case, there is something deeply unsatisfying about how the market handles the destructive behavior of powerful economic actors.
It is not a new idea to suggest that the true costs inherent in many economic pursuits have been unfairly socialized. Nor does this notion apply only in moments of crisis. Economists give the name “externalities” to costs associated with a business that are not reflected on the balance sheet of that enterprise or in the prices of its products, but rather are borne by society at large. For example, if a factory can dump its waste in a local river and is never fined, it has successfully externalized the cost of waste disposal, which the public pays for in the form of polluted water and its consequences.
Oil has many externalities, and the BP disaster has been only the most recent trigger — “the reminder we didn’t need,” as Carter Dougherty at BNet put it — for refreshed awareness that the gas we buy is far more expensive to our country than what any of us pay at the pump.
In August 1987, the New York Times published an editorial with the bold title, “The Real Cost of Gas: $5 a Gallon.” Given that, at the time, you could commonly fill up for 99 cents per gallon, and that even the energy crises of the 1970s did not push gas prices above $1.50 per gallon, $5-a-gallon gas was pretty much unimaginable. Yet the Times editorial stated that, “in light of the administration’s willingness to risk lives and dollars in the defense of oil from the Persian Gulf … the real cost of oil should include the cost of the military forces protecting supplies.” It argued for an energy policy that accounted for Pentagon expenditures.
Two Gulf wars later, an array of reports from both liberal and conservative sources suggest that $5 per gallon is anything but an outlandish estimate for the true cost of gas. It could, in fact, be far too low.
Taking military spending into account would only be a start toward reckoning with what we really pay for oil. But since the military takes up a massive part of our national budget, it would be a good start.
Anita Dancs, an economist with the Center for Popular Economics, notes that “energy security, according to national security documents, is a vital national interest and has been incorporated into military objectives and strategies for more than half a century.” After breaking down the overall military budget and evaluating specific missions, she concludes that “we will pay $90 billion this year to secure oil. If spending on the Iraq War is included, the total rises to $166 billion.” That would already add 56 cents to every gallon of gas we buy.
The late Milton Copulos was a veteran of the Heritage Foundation, an advisor to both President Ronald Reagan’s White House and the CIA, as well as the head of the right-wing National Defense Council Foundation. He was particularly concerned with dependence on foreign oil, and he highlighted how oil imports were both an economic boon to unsavory governments abroad and a missed opportunity for domestic investment. In 2006, Copulos argued that, if you add to oil-related defense spending such factors as the economic impact of periodic oil supply disruptions and the opportunity costs of money spent on oil imports that might have been used elsewhere in the economy, the “hidden” costs of the U.S. dependence on petroleum would total up to $825 billion per year.
“To put the figure in further perspective,” he wrote, “it is equivalent to adding $8.35 to the price of a gallon of gasoline refined from Persian Gulf oil.” At today’s rates, that would hike the price at the pump to approximately $11 per gallon, or more than $250 to fill the tank of a typical SUV.
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